The contemporary global landscape is characterized by heightened geopolitical competition, in which energy resources have evolved from being mere support for nations to becoming pivotal elements in the contest for power. This context has transformed corridors into significant arenas for competition, as each country endeavors to establish its position within the intricate network created by these emerging corridors. In this regard, the prevailing global geopolitical trend has intensified the competition over maritime chokepoints and secured access to cross-border markets.This research serves as a theoretical foundation, employing a descriptive-analytical methodology that incorporates a comparative approach, utilizing library and internet resources for data collection. Within the chronopolitical framework of Iran-Iraq relations, each actor strives to delineate its role in international corridors while pursuing various objectives. For instance, Iraq is actively engaged in the "FAW Corridor" initiative, whereas Iran seeks to expand economic cooperation and secure a place in the burgeoning alliances of the East. While it is challenging to make definitive predictions regarding the future of relations between the two countries from a chronopolitical perspective, emerging signs suggest a trend toward diminished cooperation and increased competition, influenced by a multitude of variables. A key indicator of this potential competition is the rivalry over transit routes (corridors).
 

Following the victory of the Islamic Revolution, a new perspective on science and technology emerged in Iran. This scientific discourse was profoundly shaped by the principles of the Islamic Revolution and Islamic ideology, leading to the establishment of new values and objectives for the advancement of science and technology. In the post-revolutionary era, as policymakers recognized science and technology as pivotal drivers of societal progress and excellence, they devised scientific policies and strategies aimed at achieving revolutionary and Islamic ideals. This evolving attitude toward science and technology significantly influenced Iran’s scientific and technological development during this period. Given that the Islamic Republic of Iran has assumed a leading role in scientific leadership within the region since 1979, its contributions to the development of scientific capabilities under successive post-revolution governments are noteworthy. To explore this, a descriptive-analytical approach was employed, utilizing reliable data from both domestic and international sources. The research findings indicate that the prevailing discourse in different governmental periods included a focus on industrialization through import substitution and capital resource allocation (1981–1989), modernization and institutional development with an emphasis on advanced technologies (1989–1997), the promotion of advanced technologies, innovation, export expansion, and social justice centered on knowledge-based industries (1997–2005), the transition toward knowledge-based innovation in the economy (2005–2013), and the enhancement of international cooperation with an emphasis on identity and rationality in policy formulation and implementation (2013–2021). The results demonstrate that, in each phase, measures such as the expansion of higher education and scientific research, the establishment of universities and research centers, and the creation of domestic and international scientific networks were implemented in alignment with the dominant discourse. 

As China's economic, technological, and military power continues to rise, the United States has grown increasingly concerned about Beijing's expanding influence. Washington perceives China's regional ascendancy as a challenge to its hegemonic ambitions. China's growing military capabilities and political influence in East Asia have sparked concern and suspicion among some of its neighbors and the United States. In response, the U.S. has maintained an active presence in the region, citing reasons such as countering China's rise and supporting freedom of navigation. Washington's efforts to challenge China's maritime sovereignty reflect its broader concerns about China's rise and its determination to maintain hegemony in the Asia-Pacific region. This has led the United States to attempt to create a strategic encirclement against China, aiming to contain its regional influence and prevent a shift in the balance of power in East Asia that could disadvantage Washington. The research question addressed in this study is: What strategy does the United States employ to contain China's power in the South China Sea? The proposed hypothesis is that, given China's economic growth and the expansion of its maritime power are perceived as strategic threats to the region and the United States, Washington seeks to prevent China from becoming a regional hegemon in East Asia. By countering China's rise, the U.S. aims to shape the balance of power in favor of itself and its regional allies, thereby securing its goals and interests in the region. This study employs a descriptive-analytical method to examine how the U.S. strategy of containing China's power and isolating it regionally contributes to maintaining the balance of power in East Asia, while advancing the influence and interests of the United States and its allies. 

In the domain of spatial planning for border areas, it is imperative to adopt a macro-perspective view of geography to effectively identify the potentialities, capabilities, and limitations inherent to these regions. This approach aims to mitigate tensions and challenges arising from unbalanced development, deprivation, and spatial heterogeneity. The research methodology employed in this study is applied in purpose, utilizing a descriptive-analytical approach in terms of method. Specifically, a combination of multi-criteria decision-making techniques, including the Technique for Order of Preference by Similarity to Ideal Solution (TOPSIS) and the Shannon entropy coefficient, has been utilized to evaluate the distribution and development of spatial development indicators within the health service sectors of Kurdistan Province. The border cities of this province have been classified according to their levels of these indicators. The central research question of this study is: What is the state of the cities in Kurdistan Province concerning the spatial distribution of health and service indicators? Preliminary findings suggest that the level of access to health services in each of the border cities in Kurdistan Province does not meet the desired standards. The results indicate that, despite its strategic geopolitical significance, Kurdistan Province remains one of the most deprived regions in the country. Furthermore, there exists a notable imbalance and heterogeneity in the distribution and development of facilities and indicators across the border cities of the province. An analysis of 13 indicators pertaining to spatial organization across four border cities reveals that Saqez and Baneh are classified within the semi-privileged (semi-deprived) group, while Marivan and Sarvabad fall within the deprived category. Consequently, the findings underscore that the spatial organization in the border cities of Kurdistan Province is markedly heterogeneous, positioning these cities at a middle to lower level in terms of health service development. It is essential to afford particular attention to this border province to ensure the enduring security and well-being of its citizens.